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Upholding Judicial Integrity and Independence in Contempt Case against Advocate Gulshan Bajwa

TITLE: GULSHAN BAJWA V. REGISTRAR, HIGH COURT OF DELHI & ANR.

CITATION: CRIMINAL APPEAL NO. 577/2007

DECIDED ON: 30 JANUARY 2024

CORAM: JUSTICE VIKRAM NATH, JUSTICE PAMIDIGHANTAM SRI NARASIMHA

 

Facts of the Case

The Criminal Contempt Case Nos. 16 and 17 of 2006 in the Delhi High Court are the source of Criminal Appeal No. 577/2007. Gulshan Bajwa, the appellant, is an advocate and a former member of the army. The High Court found him guilty in accordance with the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971 noting several instances of disrespectful conduct. Threatening a female advocate, regularly missing court dates, making baseless accusations against judges, and acting in a consistently inappropriate manner are some examples of these actions. The subsequent legal actions are framed by the factual background.

Legal Provisions:

The main legal structure governing this case is based on the Contempt of Courts Act 1971. This law defines and prohibits actions that are disrespectful of the courts. The case is also supported by the larger idea of judicial independence, which highlights how crucial it is to protect the honour and reputation of judicial authorities.

Issues Involved:

One of the main questions the appeal addresses is whether the appellant’s actions do, in fact, amount to criminal contempt. One major issue of argument is the legitimacy of the High Court’s conviction under the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971. Furthermore, the appellant’s sincerity and level of repentance become crucial considerations in determining how the case is evaluated overall.

Court’s Observation and Analysis

The appellant’s actions, including threats, non-appearances, unfounded accusations, and a pattern of misbehavior, were carefully examined by the Supreme Court. The Court maintained the conviction of the High Court, concluding that these conduct constituted a purposeful interference with the administration of justice. Significantly, the appellant’s apology was turned down because it was thought to be genuine given the gravity of the acts of contempt. The ruling emphasised how crucial it is to preserve judicial officers’ honour and reputation. Considering the appellant’s age and health issues, the Court changed the punishment from three months in jail to “imprisonment till the rising of the court,” but upholding the conviction. Three related cases were also de-tagged, a sign that the Court plans to take up each of them in a different hearing.

 

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Written by- Komal Goswami

 

Click to read the Judgement

 

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Vikasit Bharat: India in the new decade

Vikas Bharat, or “Developed India,” captures the goals of a country that has always desired progress and prosperity for its people. Economic reforms, social developments, and technical innovations have all played a role in India’s transformation over the years. 2024 being one of the most awaited years for an interim budget due to the Lok Sabha election season had all eyes on the financial ministry for formulating budget as per the convenience of the election, but contradicting to the people’s prediction the ministry had different plans.

No freebies

Unlike political parties’ manifestos to gain a mass vote bank by providing freebies, the current ruling government takes ruling measures only for the welfare of the people and for long term socio- economic benefits. Instead of the freebies, the government focused on creating earning opportunities for people, including farmers and entrepreneurs. As an enabling measure, it broke many red tapes to let the system work smoothly for the people and end the corruption. In 10 years, the government removed around 25,000 unnecessary compliances and repealed more than 1400 archaic laws besides giving four lakh companies enough opportunities to rectify their defaults to avoid penalties.[1]

Social Transformation

Vikas Bharat is more than just economic prosperity; it also includes social reform and inclusive development. Initiatives such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) sought to alleviate poverty and empower rural populations by creating job opportunities. The emphasis on education and healthcare has been critical in raising human development indicators across the country. The Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, which began in 2014, demonstrates India’s dedication to social reform. This statewide cleanliness effort intended to eliminate open defecation in India while also promoting sanitation and hygiene. The campaign’s success highlights the effectiveness of collective action and community engagement in accomplishing social objectives.

Tech boost

Vikas Bharat is strongly involved in technological advancements that have changed the way Indians live, work, and communicate. The widespread use of mobile phones and the growth of internet connectivity have bridged geographical barriers, allowing people to access information and services even in rural areas. The Digital India program has helped to increase digital literacy and create a more digitally inclusive society. The Aadhaar initiative, a biometric identification system, has improved service delivery and eliminated leakages in benefit programmes. This creative technique has improved financial inclusion while also empowering locals by providing them with a distinct identity.

Environment sustainability

As India approaches Vikas Bharat, the significance of sustainable development is becoming more widely understood. India’s emphasis on renewable energy sources like solar and wind power reflects its commitment to mitigating the effects of climate change. The International Solar Alliance, established in conjunction with France, seeks to promote solar energy while reducing reliance on non-renewable resources. Smart urban design and the encouragement of eco-friendly activities help to ensure environmental sustainability. Initiatives like the Green India Mission aim to increase forest and tree cover, protect biodiversity, and minimize the harmful effects of deforestation.

 

Aftermath of Vikaasit Bharat

India will become a leader at global level in entrepreneurship, technology, AI, biotech and renewable energy. India aims to promote inclusive and equitable development by reducing poverty, enhancing health and education, promoting social justice, and empowering women and youth. India will preserve and promote its rich cultural and natural heritage while valuing variety, pluralism, and democracy and would pursue a peaceful and cordial relationship with its neighbours and the rest of the world, actively and responsibly participating in international affairs. These are some of the ambitions of Vikaasit Bharat, which require the collaborative efforts and contributions of all stakeholders, including the government, the private sector, civil society, and individuals.

Conclusion

Vikas Bharat is now the face of India’s path onto the holistic development surrounding economic prosperity, social inclusivity, technological advancements and environmental sustainability. The narrative of Vikas Bharat is an ongoing one, formed by the combined efforts of the government, civic society, and the people as India seeks to realize its global potential.

 

[1] https://english.janamtv.com/business/92942/working-towards-the-reality-of-vikasit-bharat/

 

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Aligarh Muslim University’s Minority Status: A Legal and Historical Examination.

INTRODUCTION:

One of the oldest and most prominent universities in India, Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), has been involved in a legal dispute concerning its minority status for many years. Muslim reformer Sir Syed Ahmed Khan established AMU as the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in 1877 with the intention of preserving Islamic values while addressing Muslim educational lag. The Muslim University Association and MAO College became a part of AMU when the Aligarh Muslim University Act of 1920 took effect. Whether AMU qualifies for minority status under Article 30 of the Indian Constitution in the present circumstances is the question.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND:

Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College, also known as Aligarh Muslim University, was founded in 1877 by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan. It was later incorporated by the Aligarh Muslim University Act of 1920.

In 1965, the Act underwent additional amendments, redistributing the Court’s powers among various bodies, including the executive, with the President of India nominating the governing body.

In S. Azeez Basha & Anr. v. Union of India, the dispute started in 1967. The petitioners contested AMU Act amendments, claiming that their rights under Article 30(1) namely, the right to establish and administer educational institutions had been violated. According to the Supreme Court, the efforts of the Muslim minority may have led to the 1920 Act’s passage. That being said, this does not mean that Aligarh University was founded by the Muslim minority in accordance with the 1920 Act.

In 1981, the Act underwent yet another amendment that defined ‘university’ as an establishment “established by the Muslims of India.” AMU instituted reservation policies in 2005, designating Muslim candidates for half of the postgraduate medical seats. Using the Supreme Court’s ruling in Azeez Basha as guide, the Allahabad High Court heard a challenge to this policy that same year. The argument was that since AMU is not a minority institution, the reservation is void.

The Allahabad High Court struck down the reservation policy, ignoring the 1981 amendment and ruling that AMU was not a minority institution based on Azeez Basha, rejecting the Union government’s and the university’s argument that the 1981 amendment rendered the Azeez Basha precedent invalid.

The reservation policy was put on hold in 2006 after an appeal was filed with the Supreme Court. The National Democratic Alliance government denied AMU’s minority status in 2016 by withdrawing from the appeal.

A three-judge bench referred the Azeez Basha ruling to a seven-judge bench on February 12, 2019, for review. The case was finally taken up by a seven-judge bench led by Chief Justice of India D.Y. Chandrachud on October 12, 2023.

LEGAL PROVISIONS INVOLVED:

All linguistic and religious minorities have the fundamental right to establish and administer any kind of educational institution they choose, according to Article 30(1) of Part III of the Constitution. Article 30(2) mandates that the State provide ‘equality of treatment’ to all educational institutions receiving aid, irrespective of whether they belong to minority or not.

PRESENT POSITION OF THE ISSUE:

In this case, the Supreme Court addresses two issues concerning the AMU’s minority status.

  1. What are the criteria for granting minority status to educational institutions under Article 30 of the Constitution?
  2. Can educational institutions established by parliamentary statute qualify for minority status under Article 30 of the Constitution?

Dr. Dhavan, the petitioners’ counsel, argued that a minority educational institution should not lose its minority status just because it is subject to statutory regulation and that the constitutional viewpoint, which supports the integration of liberal and religious education, should be taken into account.

He contended that the Azeez Basha ruling was in conflict with itself since the top court determined that a university had to be recognised by law for its degrees to be recognised. Nonetheless, the court found that AMU would lose its minority status if the statute were to recognise it.

Dr. Dhavan contended that this would nullify Article 30 and subordinate a fundamental right to a statute by requiring all minority institutions to apply for recognition under a statute and give up their minority status.

Dr. Dhavan emphasized that, for the purposes of Article 30, “established” includes terms like “found,” “recognise,” “confirm,” and “admit.” In response to a question concerning the distinction between “found” and “bring into existence,” he explained that the former refers to incorporation while the latter takes into account prior circumstances.

The respondent’s attorney is Tushar Mehta, the Solicitor General of India. He contended that unlike “nationalist” institutions that opposed and denounced the British government, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta asserted that AMU chose to be a “loyalist” institution and ceded its minority status to the government. Azeez Basha, he said, accepted this ceding of rights.

The SG contended in the Azeez Basha case that the ruling only applied to the 1920 Act and did not create a law that was generally applicable, implying that a university loses its minority status upon incorporation. He made it clear that the 1920 Act was the main focus of the Azeez Basha case, and that AMU is not a minority university under that Act.

Underlining the significance of AMU as a national university, Tushar Mehta asked the Court to consider the matter from a social justice standpoint in order to ensure that students from the SC/ST/SEBC sections have equal access to it. Currently, between 70 to 80 percent of AMU students identify as Muslims.

CONCLUSION:

From January 10 to February 1, 2024, the seven-judge bench, presided over by Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud, heard arguments for eight full days.

The Chief Justice of India has reserved the matter to make a decision at a later time after considering all of the arguments.

The question of whether AMU can assert its minority status and whether the Azeez Basha ruling ought to be reversed will be decided by the court. In addition to AMU, this decision has significant ramifications for minority universities throughout India.

To sum up, the AMU minority status case emphasizes how important it is to strike a careful balance between historical context, legal interpretations, and constitutional rights. AMU’s minority status is in jeopardy while we wait for the Supreme Court’s ruling.

 

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Written by – Surya Venkata Sujith

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Administration of the Nexus: National Security vs. Privacy in Government Surveillance Programmes

INTRODUCTION:

The dispute over privacy rights vs national security measures is escalating up in an era of complex global challenges and rapid technology breakthroughs. All around the world, governments struggle to protect their populations from possible dangers without compromising the rights to privacy that each individual has under diverse legal frameworks. Like many other countries, India must strike a careful balance, and recent events have provided insight into the changing nature of government monitoring programmes and their ramifications.

In a landmark decision rendered on August 24, 2017, the Indian Supreme Court upheld the basic right to privacy guaranteed by Article 21 of the Indian Constitution. This important ruling gave people a safeguard against legislative or executive measures infringing on their personal rights, and it was a turning point in the development of India’s legal system. Individual autonomy and dignity are enhanced by the acknowledgement of privacy as a basic right, which is necessary for the enjoyment of other fundamental freedoms protected by the Constitution.

RECOGNISING THE DYNAMICS:

The basic conflict between individual rights and the goals of collective security is at the core of the privacy vs national security argument. Strong surveillance measures’ proponents contend that improved data collecting and monitoring are essential instruments in the fight against a variety of dangers, such as cybercrime, terrorism, and international organised crime. They argue that in order to protect public safety and security, proactive intelligence collection and monitoring are required to detect and eliminate any threats before they arise.

On the other hand, proponents of privacy rights express grave worries about the degradation of civil liberties and the possibility of misuse associated with large-scale monitoring initiatives. They contend that unbridled government meddling in personal affairs not only betrays the deeply held ideals of liberty and self-determination but also greatly increases the possibility of abuse, discrimination, and unjustified monitoring of defenceless people. Furthermore, the careless gathering and archiving of private information prompts concerning queries regarding data protection, abuse, and people’s susceptibility to illegal access and use.[1]

PRESENT SITUATION IN INDIA:

Significant advancements in government monitoring practices have occurred in India in recent years, sparking discussions, court cases, and public debate over the boundaries of privacy, national security, and individual rights. Among the noteworthy advancements are:

  1. Aadhaar Dispute: Since its introduction by the Indian government in 2009, the Aadhaar biometric identification project has been embroiled in legal disputes and controversy about its potential effects on privacy and monitoring. Aadhaar’s supporters contend that it makes targeted welfare programmes and efficient service delivery possible, but detractors point out that Aadhaar’s mandatory connection to a number of basic services, the possibility of data breaches, and the inadequacy of protections against abuse and monitoring by the government are all causes for concern.
  2. Social Media Monitoring: With the growth of digital communication channels and social media platforms, law enforcement authorities have greater difficulties in keeping an eye on and countering online dangers such as radicalization, cyberbullying, and disinformation. Concerns regarding censorship, privacy invasion, and the potential to stifle dissent and freedom of expression have been raised by the Indian government’s recent efforts to increase monitoring and surveillance of social media platforms. These initiatives include the proposal for a Social Media Communication Hub and the enactment of intermediary liability rules.
  3. Facial Recognition Technologies: In India, there has been a lot of discussion and investigation surrounding the use of facial recognition technology by police enforcement for things like surveillance, criminal identification, and public safety. Strong legal protections and moral principles are essential to reduce dangers and defend individual rights because of worries about the precision, dependability, and possible abuse of face recognition technology, as well as the lack of explicit laws and supervision procedures.[2]

 CONSEQUENCES FOR GOVERNMENT ACTIONS AND POLICIES:

The identification of privacy as an essential entitlement places noteworthy limitations on governmental policies and procedures that might potentially violate people’s right to privacy. The court’s decision forbids the state from passing legislation or implementing other measures that unnecessarily violate the privacy of its residents without a sufficient basis. Even while the right to privacy is not unassailable and may be subject to legitimate limitations for the sake of public safety, national security, or morality, any such limitations must pass severe legal muster and follow the proportionality and necessity requirements.

The verdict has significant ramifications for government programmes like the Aadhaar biometric identity system. Aadhaar has been marketed as a way to improve financial inclusion and expedite service delivery, although worries have been expressed over privacy violations and data security lapses. The ruling by the Supreme Court emphasises how important it is to have strong protections and accountability systems in place to make sure that Aadhaar adheres to privacy laws and respects people’s autonomy and consent.[3]

OBSTACLES & THINGS TO REFLECT ABOUT:

Even while privacy is acknowledged as a basic right, there are still a number of obstacles to securing people’s privacy in the digital age. Rapid technical progress and the global reach of cyberspace provide previously unheard-of difficulties for data security and privacy protection. Concerns regarding surveillance, data breaches, and algorithmic discrimination have been raised by the extensive collecting, processing, and sharing of personal data brought about by the growth of digital platforms, social media networks, and mobile apps.

Furthermore, the difficulties in regulating and enforcing privacy laws are made worse by the lack of comprehensive data protection legislation. The necessity of a strong data protection law cannot be emphasised, even if the Justice B.N. Srikrishna Committee is developing a framework for the protection of personal data. Legislation of this kind ought to achieve a compromise between upholding people’s right to privacy protection and encouraging economic development. It should set down precise guidelines for the gathering, handling, and sharing of personal data while giving people authority over it and making companies responsible for privacy infringements and data breaches.

There is an urgent need for institutional systems to supervise privacy enforcement and compliance in addition to legal measures. With legislative authority and independence, a specialised National Authority for Data Protection and Privacy might be essential in monitoring adherence to privacy laws, looking into complaints, and punishing infringers. Such an authority may advance responsible data practices and boost trust in India’s digital economy by cultivating a culture of privacy compliance and responsibility.[4]

CASE LAWS:

  1. Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) vs. Union of India (2017): The Indian Supreme Court upheld the right to privacy as a basic right guaranteed by Article 21 of the Indian Constitution in this historic ruling. The argument in the lawsuit was that the Aadhaar biometric identity programme violated people’s right to privacy and was thus unconstitutional. According to the ruling of the court, privacy is a necessary component of personal freedom and dignity and is necessary in order to exercise other fundamental rights. It underlined how important it is to have a strong legal system to defend individual rights against government interference. The Puttaswamy ruling created a solid basis for privacy rights in India and established a standard for matters pertaining to data protection and government monitoring in the future.[5]
  2. Internet Freedom Foundation vs. Union of India (2020): The Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, which control online content regulation and intermediary liability in India, were challenged in this case for being unconstitutional. The petitioners claimed that by placing burdensome requirements on digital platforms and permitting government monitoring of online activity, the regulations infringed both on the rights to privacy and freedom of speech and expression. The Delhi High Court served notices on the government, requesting comments on the laws’ constitutionality and their effects on freedom of speech and privacy. The matter is awaiting decision.[6]
  3. SFLC.in vs. Union of India (2020): The Aarogya Setu mobile application, developed by the Indian government for contact tracking and COVID-19 surveillance, was challenged in this case for being unconstitutional. The petitioners raised worries about privacy violation and possible surveillance threats by arguing that the app lacked transparency, accountability, and sufficient data protection mechanisms. The government was ordered by the Kerala High Court to guarantee that data protection regulations are followed and to address privacy and security issues brought out by the petitioners. The legal matter is still pending.[7]
  4. Foundation for Media Professionals vs. Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir (2020): This case contested the internet bans and limitations put in place in Jammu and Kashmir, the Union Territory, when Article 370 of the Indian Constitution was revoked. The petitioners claimed that in addition to impeding access to necessary services and information, the extended internet shutdowns breached basic rights, such as the right to freedom of speech and expression. The Supreme Court of India underlined the necessity and appropriateness of implementing internet limits, even as it acknowledged the significance of national security reasons. It gave the administration instructions to examine and defend the ongoing limitations, striking a balance between personal freedoms and security considerations.[8]

CONCLUSION:

A turning point in India’s constitutional law was reached when privacy was acknowledged as a basic right, confirming the inherent worth of privacy in a democracy. India has to defend people’s right to privacy first and foremost as it starts its digital transformation path, but it also needs to support innovation and economic growth. To address the complex issues of privacy in the digital age, a comprehensive data protection law must be formulated in conjunction with strong institutional structures for privacy supervision and enforcement. India can create a robust and inclusive digital economy that respects people’s rights and fosters sustainable progress by maintaining privacy as a fundamental right and a business need.

By: Aastha Ganesh Tiwari

[1]https://www.giga-hamburg.de/en/publications/giga-focus/digital-surveillance-and-the-threat-to-civil-liberties-in-india

[2]https://blog.ipleaders.in/state-surveillance-india-threat-privacy/#What_is_the_way_ahead

[3]https://www.scconline.com/blog/post/2023/08/03/the-fine-balance-surveillance-security-and-the-right-to-privacy/

[4]https://docs.manupatra.in/newsline/articles/Upload/62E569B9-547B-4144-80AC-03A9EBFC45DA.pdf

[5]https://privacylibrary.ccgnlud.org/case/justice-ks-puttaswamy-ors-vs-union-of-india-ors#:~:text=Case%20Brief&text=The%20nine%20Judge%20Bench%20in,of%20dignity%2C%20autonomy%20and%20liberty.

[6]https://www.livelaw.in/pdf_upload/pdf_upload-357441.pdf

[7]https://sflc.in/sflcins-writ-petition-challenging-arbitrary-internet-shutdowns-during-examinations-supreme-court/

[8]https://desikaanoon.in/case-study-foundation-of-media-professionals-v-union-territory-of-jammu-and-kashmir/#:~:text=INTRODUCTION%3A-,Foundation%20of%20Media%20Professionals%20v.,also%20called%20as%204G%20case.

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Navigating India’s Religious Tapestry: The Tightrope Between Freedom and Regulation in Anti-Conversion Laws.

INTRODUCTION

As a fundamental human right, religious freedom is the cornerstone of democratic values around the world. The difficult balance between individual liberty and governmental involvement is being scrutinized in India, a country recognised for its unique religious tapestry, mainly because of the presence of anti-conversion legislation. These state-by-state disparate legal systems purport to prohibit forced or fraudulent religious conversions. But these rules’ effects on the inalienable freedom to practice and spread one’s religion have provoked heated discussions. The legal environment has changed since the first anti-conversion law was passed in Odisha in 1967, and several states have since passed their own versions of this kind of legislation. These regulations, which are rooted in worries about preserving social peace and defending the weak, walk a tightrope between defending religious liberty and averting alleged risks to social order. Legal uncertainties and issues have arisen from the complex interaction between the state’s need to prohibit false conversions and constitutional guarantees of religious freedom.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

India’s anti-conversion laws have their origins in historical worries about religious conversions, especially those that are thought to be forced or fraudulent. Since the state of Odisha passed the first anti-conversion law in 1967, other states have done the same, each passing a different version of the legislation. These rules are supposed to protect vulnerable people, stop forced conversions, and uphold social harmony.

LEGAL FRAMEWORK:

Article 25 of the Indian Constitution ensures the freedom of its citizens to freely profess, practice, and propagate their religion. This right is subject to reasonable limitations and is not unqualified. Anti-conversion legislation is frequently constructed to fall within the bounds of these justifiable constraints, aiming to reconcile the defense of religious liberty with the avoidance of harmful conversions. Anti-conversion laws generally prohibit religious conversions that are achieved by coercion, deception, or seduction. These clauses shield people against being forced against their will to convert to a different religion by focusing on actions deemed to be exploitative or forceful. Concerns concerning possible abuse and interference with lawful religious activity have been brought up by the interpretation and application of these regulations.

In the case of Lata Singh v. State of Uttar Pradesh, the Supreme Court affirmed people’s freedom to marry anybody they choose, regardless of their social standing, caste, or religion. It proclaimed as a violation of the right to freedom of choice any interference with this right by the government or others.

CHALLENGES TO RELIGIOUS FREEDOM:

Anti-conversion laws, according to their detractors, restrict the freedom to proselytize and foster a climate of distrust surrounding religious activity, so endangering religious freedom. Certain statutes’ ambiguous phrasing lends itself to arbitrary interpretations by law enforcement, which can result in arbitrary acts. This could hinder the free flow of ideas and discourage religious pluralism. The meaning of “force,” “fraud,” and “inducement” in relation to religious conversions is one major area of legal difficulty. It is difficult to discern between acts that can be considered coercive and true religious outreach because there are no clear standards. The impact of this ambiguity on religious minorities is disproportionate because it allows for abuse and selective targeting. The concept of consent is one of the main topics covered by anti-conversion legislation. Although people are free to convert at will, regulations are frequently passed to forbid forced conversions. The onus of proof rests on the parties in question when attempting to draw a boundary between coercion and free will.

In the case of S. Pushpabai v. C.T. Selvaraj, the Supreme Court upheld people’s freedom to convert to any other faith as long as it is sincere and voluntary. It was underlined that religious freedom is violated by any kind of compulsion or deception related to religious conversions.

STATE VARIATIONS:

Different states in India may have varying approaches to anti-conversion laws, and the legal landscape can be complex. Some states have enacted legislation to regulate or restrict religious conversions, while others do not have specific laws on this matter. States in India which have different anti-conversion legislation, which adds even more complexity. While some states have more permissive laws, others have harsher rules. These laws’ constitutionality is called into doubt by their lack of uniformity, and it is possible that they will infringe upon the right to equality protected by Article 14 of the Constitution.

LEGAL CHALLENGES:

Anti-conversion laws have been the target of multiple judicial challenges that cast doubt on their constitutionality. The freedom of speech and expression includes the right to propagate religion, which the Supreme Court of India has upheld in a number of judgments. The judiciary has acknowledged the state’s right to control religious conversions in order to protect the public interest and avoid exploitation, nonetheless. International attention has been focused on India’s anti-conversion laws after human rights organisations voiced concerns about possible breaches of religious freedom. In order to bring domestic legislation into compliance with international standards, India must carefully balance its commitment to international human rights standards, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

SUGGESTIONS FOR THE WAY FORWARD:

A more unified set of anti-conversion laws should be established across state lines to allay worries about their constitutionality and possible violations of the right to equality. This could be accomplished by enacting extensive national law that upholds a uniform legal framework while respecting the diversity of religious practices. One crucial area that has to be improved is the meanings of phrases like “force,” “fraud,” and “inducement.” By doing so, discriminatory targeting and possible misuse would be avoided and arbitrary interpretations would be lessened, ensuring a more equitable execution of the law. When deciding instances involving anti-conversion laws, the judiciary ought to exercise caution and take into account the subtleties of religious liberty as well as the possible effects on communities of colour. This entails defending the concepts of choice and expression freedom consistently. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and other international human rights agreements should be complied with by India in terms of anti-conversion laws.

CONCLUSION

The controversy surrounding India’s anti-conversion laws illustrates the nuanced relationship between religious liberty and governmental control. It’s critical to strike a balance between addressing justifiable worries about forceful conversions and protecting individual liberties. A more complex and equitable approach can be facilitated by respect to international human rights standards, consistency in state legislation, and clarity in legal terminology. Maintaining the constitutional values that are the cornerstone of India’s democracy is crucial as it negotiates this complex terrain.

REFRENCES:

  1. https://www.nextias.com/blog/anti-conversion-laws/#What_is_the_Need_for_Anti-Conversion_Laws
  2. https://www.uscirf.gov/publications/indias-state-level-anti-conversion-laws
  3. A Study of Compatibility of Anti-Conversion Laws with Right to Freedom of Religion in India, By: Furquan Ahmad, Vishnu Konoorayar ,Puneeth P, K.N.ChandrasekharanPillai, Available at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2359250
  4. Sarah Claerhout, and Jakob De Roover. “The Question of Conversion in India.” Economic and Political Weekly 40, no. 28 (2005): 3048–55. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4416875.
  5. https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3876022

 

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